Azerbaijan does not have a universal child benefit paid monthly for every child regardless of family income. For nearly 20 years, the state has followed a different model: instead of universal payments, it provides assistance to low-income families and specific social groups.
Against the backdrop of a continued decline in birth rates, the issue of child benefits has returned to the agenda. The debate is no longer just about where the money for these payments would come from. It also concerns how much a universal child benefit would cost the state budget, how much it would actually help families, and what the long-term social consequences of not introducing such support might be.
In May 2026, a statement by MP Gunay Aghamali sparked a new wave of debate. Speaking on ARB TV, she said that child benefits could make parents “dependent and lazy.” In her view, such payments could reduce some people’s motivation to work.
However, the debate over child benefits in Azerbaijan is not new. Almost every year, the issue returns to the public agenda, raising the same questions: should the state provide payments for every child or only for families in need? Can the state budget afford it? Could child benefits help reverse the decline in birth rates?
What changed in 2006?
Monthly payments known as “child benefits” existed in Azerbaijan before 2006. However, contrary to a widespread perception, the system was not universal even then.
Under the rules in force at the time, a monthly payment of 9,000 old manats (approximately $1.8–1.9 or €1.5) was provided for each child from birth until the age of 16 if the average monthly income per family member was below 16,500 old manats (approximately $3.4–3.5 or €2.7–2.8 at the 2004–2005 exchange rate). For schoolchildren who did not receive a pension, payments could continue until the age of 18. Following the currency redenomination, this amount was equivalent to 1.80 manat.
In other words, family income was already taken into account under the previous system.
A new phase in the social protection system began on 1 January 2006, when the laws “On Targeted State Social Assistance” and “On Social Benefits” came into force. The separate child benefit linked to family income was not continued under the new system.
The state therefore changed its approach: instead of a separate payment for each child, targeted assistance based on family income became the main mechanism of support.
The core principle remains the same: Support for those in need, not everyone
In the following years, new types of benefits for children and families were introduced, and payment amounts changed. However, the core principle remained the same: Azerbaijan has no universal child benefit paid for every child.
In a speech to the Milli Majlis in 2022, Labour and Social Protection Minister Sahil Babayev said that around 600,000 children from socially vulnerable groups receive state support through various mechanisms, and that social assistance should be targeted rather than universal.
The system in place in 2026 is still based on this principle.
“We have benefits for children, primarily aimed at socially vulnerable families. There are also one-time payments. For example, a one-time benefit is paid when a child is born. There is a benefit for low-income families with children under one year old, a childcare allowance for children under three, and a benefit for women with more than five children. Social benefits are also available for children with disabilities, children who have lost a parent, and other categories,” lawyer Fariz Namazli tells Meydan TV in an interview.
Currently, families receive a one-time payment of 600 manats (approximately $353 or €305) for the birth of a child. Low-income families with children under one year old receive 140 manats (approximately $82 or €71) per month. Women with more than five children receive 140 manats (approximately $82 or €71) per month for each child. The childcare allowance for children under three is 44 (approximately $26 or €22) or 28 manats(approximately $16 or €14), depending on the child’s age.
In addition, separate payments are provided for children with disabilities, those who have lost a breadwinner or been deprived of parental care, and other social categories.
In other words, the question is not whether the state provides financial assistance to families with children at all. Such support already exists.
The key question is: who should receive this support?
Universal child benefit or targeted assistance?
Under a universal model, family income is not taken into account. If a child meets the specified eligibility criteria, the family receives the payment.
Under a targeted model, the state first assesses the family’s income, assets and social circumstances, and only then determines whether it needs assistance.
According to Fariz Namazli, both models have advantages and disadvantages:
“At present, proposals are being put forward to introduce a universal child benefit, based on the argument that all children should receive this payment regardless of their family’s income. Naturally, this would make the system more transparent. Families would not have to disclose their income, there would be no need to verify it, and all children would be treated equally.
However, this would place a greater burden on the state budget, and people who are financially well-off would also receive the payment. If the benefit is intended exclusively for low-income families, it would put less pressure on the budget and ensure that the assistance goes to families who need it most. The downside is that determining income can be difficult, and there may be cases of abuse of the system.”
The new Law on the Rights of the Child, adopted in 2026, explicitly establishes a child’s right to social security. According to Article 24 of the law, every child has the right to material support at least equal to the minimum subsistence level established by law. The same article states that the state provides social assistance to specific categories of children to ensure their social protection.
In 2026, the minimum subsistence level for children is 260 manats (about $153 or €132).
However, this provision does not mean that the state must pay 260 manats in cash every month to every child. It concerns a child’s general right to material support. Direct social payments are still intended for specific categories of recipients.
Could child benefits make parents “lazy”?
Gunay Aghamali’s remarks that parents should not expect financial assistance from the state when deciding to have children, and that child benefits could create dependency, came against the backdrop of this debate.
Such an approach shifts the discussion of social policy towards parents’ behaviour.
Yet Azerbaijan’s existing system already includes direct cash payments for families with children. The debate, therefore, is not about whether the state should provide financial support to families at all, but whether these payments should cover all children or only specific groups.
Nor do all those who support universal child benefits see them as a solution to social and demographic problems.
REAL Party chairman and economist Natig Jafarli believes that child benefits are an issue that lends itself easily to populism:
“This is a very sensitive issue that is open to populism. People who do not bear political responsibility try to score political points by exploiting this issue for populist purposes. For example, if someone comes out and says that we should pay 500 manats (about $294 or €253) for every child, a person with two or three children will think that receiving 1,000 to 1,500 manats (about $588–882 or €507–760]) would be great and say, ‘Let them pay it.’
It would be much better to sit down with government representatives and go through the figures together: what is the size of our state budget, how much would the burden be, and how and in what form could these payments be made? These are the questions we should discuss.
Some people even claim that child benefits are the key to solving all problems. This misleads people. Azerbaijan is already experiencing a demographic crisis, with the number of births declining. But the idea that introducing child benefits tomorrow would immediately improve the situation is also populism. We can see this in European countries. In Poland, for example, each child receives 800 zlotys (approximately $214 or €185), which is a fairly substantial amount. Yet the demographic situation continues to deteriorate year after year, with the birth rate falling from 1.7 to 1.4.”
According to World Bank data, the average number of births per woman in Azerbaijan was 1.7 in 2020, falling to 1.4 in 2024.
More recent statistics also indicate that the decline is continuing. According to the State Statistical Committee, 40,798 children were born in Azerbaijan in January-June 2026. The number of births per 1,000 people fell from 9 in the same period of 2025 to 8 in 2026.
Can the state budget afford a universal child benefit?
One of the main arguments against universal payments is the cost they would impose on the state budget.
Natig Jafarli believes that introducing child benefits is economically feasible in Azerbaijan, but it is not necessary to cover all children at once. In his view, the system could be introduced gradually:
“If the aim of introducing child benefits is to improve the demographic situation, child benefits alone will not achieve that. But economically, it is certainly possible. The system simply needs to have different levels and stages.
Our proposal a few years ago was based on the fact that Azerbaijan has 2.7 million children aged 0 to 18, of whom around 920,000 are second-born children. If it is not possible to provide benefits to all children at once, then at least as a first step, child benefits should be paid for second and subsequent children. If the payment were around 100 manats (approximately $59 or €51) per month, this would require approximately 1 billion manats (approximately $588 million or €507 million) a year at the initial stage. This is an amount the Azerbaijani state budget can afford.
If all 2.7 million children were paid 100 manats a month, the total would exceed 3 billion manats (more than $1.76 billion or €1.52 billion), reaching approximately 3.2–3.3 billion manats (approximately $1.88–1.94 billion or €1.62–1.67 billion). At the initial stage, this could pose some challenges for the state budget. However, 1 billion manats could be allocated as a first step, with the amount increased in subsequent stages, taking economic conditions into account.”
Azerbaijan’s state budget for 2026 has been set at 38.609 billion manats (about $22.71 billion or €19.57 billion) in revenue and 41.7036 billion manats (about $24.53 billion or €21.14 billion) in expenditure.
Against this backdrop, allocating more than 3 billion manats (more than $1.76 billion or €1.52 billion) for a universal child benefit would indeed represent a substantial expense.
However, the high cost does not automatically end the debate. Paying the same amount to every child is not the only possible model. Payments could vary according to the child’s age, birth order or parents’ income, or the programme could be introduced in stages.
The question, therefore, is not simply whether “there is money in the budget.” It is also about which model of social policy the state chooses to prioritise.
Birth rates are falling, but money is not the only factor
One of the main reasons child benefits have returned to the public agenda is the significant decline in the number of births.
According to the State Statistical Committee, 122,846 children were born in Azerbaijan in 2022. The figure fell to 112,620 in 2023 and 102,310 in 2024. In 2025, 95,875 births were recorded.
This means the annual number of births fell by approximately 27,000 between 2022 and 2025.
The population’s age structure is also changing. At the beginning of 2023, children aged 0–4 accounted for 6.3% of the population. By the beginning of 2025, this figure had fallen to 5.6%. Meanwhile, the share of people aged 65–69 increased from 3.9% to 4.6%, while the proportion aged 70 and older rose from 4.6% to 5.3%.
According to sociologist Sanubar Heydarli, supporting young families is important in these circumstances:
“Living conditions in Azerbaijan are not particularly good. There are many social difficulties, which is why I believe child benefits are important for supporting young families. The figures speak for themselves. The number of births has fallen sharply, and the population has begun to age.
However, child benefits alone are not enough to bring about change. There is no guarantee that birth rates will rise simply because child benefits are introduced. The government must take other measures alongside them. Having children is not determined solely by a family’s financial situation. Various factors are involved, including women’s access to the labour market, whether people feel socially secure, and the state of healthcare and education.
Nevertheless, child benefits in themselves provide significant support for young families. When a child is born, one of the parents may have to temporarily stop working, leave the labour market and stop contributing to the household income. This has a serious impact on the family’s financial situation. For this reason, families need support.”
What difference would 100 manats make?
Another question concerns the amount of a potential child benefit.
Suppose the state pays 100 manats (about $59 or €51) per month for each child. A family with two children would receive an additional 200 manats (about $118 or €101) a month.
Could this amount solve a family’s main financial problems?
Natig Jafarli believes it could not:
“In Europe, at most 20 euros out of every 100 euros you spend goes towards food. If we spend half of our income on food, it means Azerbaijan is a poor country.
But a lot depends on the amount. Let’s imagine a fantastic scenario in which the state pays 1,000 manats for each child. That could help eliminate poverty. Is that possible? No. If they pay 100 manats at best, a family with two children would receive an additional 200 manats. Could that help eliminate poverty? Of course not.”
However, the purpose of child benefits does not necessarily have to be for the state to cover all of a family’s expenses.
These payments can also be seen as a way for the state to contribute to the additional costs of having and raising a child.
In the long term, however, Natig Jafarli believes the ideal model would be quite different:
“People should earn their own living and families should be able to support themselves. Small businesses and family businesses should develop. All progress should be directed towards ensuring that people no longer need this kind of assistance. In my view, that is the ideal model.
Whenever the state gives you money, it restricts your rights. The more money the state gives you, the more your rights are restricted. I believe we should build a system, a society and a country where there is no longer a need for such assistance. But is there a need for it now? Of course there is.”
Sociologist Sanubar Heydarli also points to changing standards of child-raising among parents. Modern families may consciously choose to have fewer children, preferring to provide one or two children with better opportunities in education, healthcare and personal development.
Which models have neighbouring countries chosen?
The experience of neighbouring countries shows that there is no single model for child benefits. In some countries, payments depend on family income, while in others, they depend on the child’s birth order.
In Armenia, every child born after 1 September 2026 receives a one-time payment of 500,000 drams—approximately 2,341 manats ($1,374 or €1,187), regardless of their birth order. The decision was approved by the Armenian government on August 13, 2026.
In addition, third and subsequent children receive a monthly payment of 50,000 drams—approximately 235 manats ($137 or €119) until the age of six.
In Turkey, a first child born after 1 January 2025 receives a one-time payment of 5,000 lira—approximately 176 manats ($104 or €89). For a second child, the monthly payment is 1,500 lira — approximately 53 manats ($31 or €27), until the age of five. Third and subsequent children receive 5,000 lira— approximately 176 manats ($104 or €89), per month.
In Georgia, the system is more targeted. Families with a social rating below a specified threshold receive 200 lari — approximately 130 manats ($77 or €66) per month for each child under the age of 16. A United Nations report on social protection in Georgia states that the programme covers children from families with a social rating below 120,001 points.
As of November 2025, more than 250,000 children were receiving this payment.
In Russia, child benefits are also not universal. When determining eligibility, authorities consider a family’s per capita income and other criteria related to financial need. Payments can amount to 50%, 75% or 100% of the regional subsistence minimum established for children.
These examples show that the choice is not simply between providing child benefits and not providing them.
A state can offer a one-time payment at birth, provide monthly benefits until a certain age, give greater support to second and subsequent children, or restrict payments to low-income families.
Azerbaijan currently favours the last of these approaches, providing targeted assistance and support to specific categories of people.
Is a separate law needed for universal child benefits?
According to Fariz Namazli, if the state decides to introduce universal child benefits, there would be no need to adopt a separate law:
“I don’t think a separate law is necessary. There is already a Law on Social Benefits, and amendments could be made to it. At the same time, a new Law on the Rights of the Child has been adopted. Amendments could also be made to that law to introduce additional payments and benefits for children.”
Since 2006, the state’s main approach has remained largely unchanged: instead of paying the same monthly amount for every child, it provides assistance based on a family’s level of need or the child’s membership in a specific social category.
This does not mean that the state provides no assistance to families with children. Existing support includes a one-time payment for the birth of a child, benefits for low-income families, childcare payments, and assistance for women with many children, children with disabilities and children without parental care.
Universal child benefits would mean changing this model.
Clearly, such a system would require significant additional funding from the state budget. At the same time, experts stress that child benefits alone cannot eliminate poverty or automatically reverse the decline in birth rates.
However, the falling number of births and the gradual ageing of the population raise another question: can social policy be assessed solely in terms of how much money the state needs to spend today?
Sociologist Sanubar Heydarli believes that leaving families without support today could lead to greater costs for the state in the future:
“By avoiding child benefits now, putting families in a difficult situation, and refusing to take responsibility, the state is increasing the costs it will face in the future as the population ages.
Child benefits seem to be a more visible expense. When money is paid directly to families, government officials calculate the total and see that it is a large amount. But they fail to understand that the support not provided to children today will be needed in the future to care for an ageing population.
The state will have to pay more in pensions and benefits and spend more on healthcare. The population will continue to age. The balance between pensions and the taxes paid by young, working-age people will be disrupted. The number of pensioners will increase, while the number of taxpayers will decrease. As a result, the burden on the state will grow.”
With the support of “Media Network”
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